https://hdl.handle.net/2123/8144 2026-06-04T18:14:09Z 2026-06-04T18:14:09Z Kramer, Elisabeth https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29294 2026-04-22T04:53:11Z 2022-01-01T00:00:00Z

The Candidate's Dilemma Kramer, Elisabeth As they campaign, candidates encounter pressure from the institutional rules that guide elections, political parties, and voters, and must also negotiate complex social relationships to remain competitive. For anticorruption candidates, this context presents additional challenges for building and maintaining their identities. Some of these candidates establish their campaign parameters early and are able to stay their course. For others, the campaign trail results in an avalanche of compromises, each one eating away at their sense of what constitutes "moral" and "acceptable" behavior. The Candidate's Dilemma delves into the lived experiences of candidates to offer a nuanced study of how the political and personal intersect when it comes to money politics, anticorruptionism, and electoral campaigning in Indonesia.

2022-01-01T00:00:00Z Kramer, Elisabeth https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29293 2022-07-21T03:31:20Z 2017-01-01T00:00:00Z

Reflections on academic activism against the death penalty for drug traffickers in Indonesia Kramer, Elisabeth This case is an example of how academics in Indonesia address certain causes, and sheds light on the interface between academia and activism. What I present here are the broad strokes of one response to a particular social issue. In exploring how this case study aligns with existing discussions about the nature of academic activism, I borrow from Hale (2008), who defines academic activists as scholars working within academic institutions who also strive to put issues on the policy agenda and encourage public debate to drive social and political change. Activist research also challenges the status quo and hopes to empower the powerless by promoting change. The work of the anti-death penalty activists in this case study align with these definitions. The academics in the alliance saw activism as an inherent part of their profession, called themselves activists, and were not troubled by the duality of being both academic and activist. Indeed, when asked to consider their fundamental motivations for becoming academics, many responded that they were originally inspired by their desire to “make a difference” or “help people.” This approach challenges the conceptualizations of “academia” and “activism” as different worlds. Indeed, this seems an unhelpful binary that ignores the fluidity with which academics move between and through worlds, as well as the inherent overlap between academia and activism. For my respondents, to be an academic is to be an activist.

2017-01-01T00:00:00Z Kramer, Elisabeth Ahsan, Abdillah Adani, Nadhila Askar, Muhammad Amalia, Nadira https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29292 2022-07-21T03:23:31Z 2021-01-01T00:00:00Z

The politics of funding universal healthcare: Diverting local tobacco taxes to subsidise the national health scheme in Indonesia Kramer, Elisabeth; Ahsan, Abdillah; Adani, Nadhila; Askar, Muhammad; Amalia, Nadira In Indonesia, the national universal health coverage scheme (Jaminan Kesehatan Nasional [JKN]) has consistently overspent against its budget since it was introduced in 2014. In 2017, a new regulation diverted 37.5% of tobacco tax revenue collected at the district and city level to the central government in order to increase government contributions to the JKN. Through a review of policy documents and interviews and focus group discussions with relevant stakeholders, this article explores the history of the JKN and its relationship to local tobacco taxes. Offering an ex-post assessment of the policy and its implementation, we find it negative on three fronts: funding for local anti-smoking initiatives and services was cut, the procedures for implementing the policy were complex and time-consuming, and it did not contribute as much as anticipated to the JKN. These findings underscore potential pitfalls of politically motivated policy that fails to consider implementation and impact. We recommend that the policy be revoked, and local tobacco tax revenue reallocated to its initial purpose, which includes promoting local smoking prevention programs and health service delivery.

2021-01-01T00:00:00Z Kramer, Elisabeth https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29291 2022-07-29T00:10:20Z 2021-01-01T00:00:00Z

Policy incoherence and tobacco control in Indonesia: an analysis of the national tobacco related policy mix Kramer, Elisabeth ABSTRACT Introduction: Indonesia has a high smoking prevalence that has not diminished significantly since 1990. Considering this, we aim to summarize the existing national tobacco-related policy mix and explore markers of policy incoherence in tobacco control between 2014-2020. Methods: We conducted (1) A review and synthesis of Indonesian tobacco-related legislation and regulations; (2) A systematic search and synthesis of related literature and news reporting; (3) Interviews with tobacco control activists and academics to understand political will towards tobacco control regulations and the tobacco industry. Results: Indonesia’s existing tobacco-related policy mix lies across the president’s office, six national ministries, and one independent agency. However, current responsibility lies primarily with four government ministries: Health, Finance, Communication and Information, and Trade and Industry, with the Ministry of Finance most active. Evidence demonstrates that official inter-ministerial collaboration was lacking from 2014-2020 and suggests that institutional will to introduce more effective tobacco control varies considerably between different arms of government. Discussion: Political will differs according to ministerial mandates and priorities, fostering a fragmented policy approach and undermining the development of a coherent response. Without political will from the president or national parliament to create an overarching framework for tobacco control, either via ratification of the FCTC or another mechanism, there remains no formal impetus for intra-governmental cooperation. Nonetheless, this analysis reveals some governmental progress and “pressure points” that advocates can focus on to promote tobacco control policies within the current policy mix.

2021-01-01T00:00:00Z Kramer, Elisabeth Dibley, Thushara Tsaputra, Antoni https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29290 2022-07-21T03:01:29Z 2022-01-01T00:00:00Z

Choosing from the citizens’ toolbox: disability activists as political candidates in Indonesia’s 2019 general elections Kramer, Elisabeth; Dibley, Thushara; Tsaputra, Antoni In this paper, we explore the interaction between unconventional and conventional political participation of electoral candidates with disability who competed in Indonesia’s 2019 general elections. Interviews with electoral candidates highlight that their reasons for entering the electoral race, and strategies adopted over the course of their campaigns, were shaped by their prior involvement in the disability rights movement. This connection between activism and electoral engagement demonstrates how the disability rights movement shaped political candidates’ selection and use of political participation tools. The significance of these findings has bearing for others seeking to understand the political behaviour of people with disability. In particular, it illustrates that community building based on unconventional political participation can positively influence the participation of people with disability in conventional politics despite ongoing challenges posed by accessibility, public perceptions of disability, and access to resources.

2022-01-01T00:00:00Z Kramer, Elisabeth https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29286 2026-04-22T04:53:11Z 2019-01-01T00:00:00Z

Democratization and Indonesia’s Anticorruption Movement Kramer, Elisabeth This chapter begins with a discussion of the history of anticorruption activism during the New Order and the early days of reformasi before discussing the opportunities and challenges leveled by Indonesia’s democratic transition. Before 1998, protests were often triggered by concerns such as increases in the price of basic goods like food or fuel, but this discontent then fed into an underlying narrative that portrayed ordinary citizens as bearing the brunt of corruption. These protests were met with repression, including restrictions on student activity and prison sentences, though some instances did prompt lukewarm changes to policy. During this period, the anticorruption cause held widespread public appeal, but the movement was far from unified. This changed somewhat after reformasi, when the movement professionalized with the establishment of a dedicated group of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) committed to fighting for transparency and accountability as well as the establishment of the KPK and a network of anticorruption courts (Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi, Tipikor). Since then, there have been numerous high-profile arrests and localized anticorruption programs have had some success in bringing corrupt individuals to justice. But, despite these advances, widespread corruption continues. This outcome is not entirely surprising, since postauthoritarian contexts also offer opportunities for new forms of corruption with new political elites coming to the fore (Harriss-White and White 1996). Whether the anticorruption movement has the capacity to temper these interests in the post-reformasi era is a question yet to be answered.

2019-01-01T00:00:00Z Kramer, Elisabeth https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29283 2022-07-29T00:19:45Z 2014-01-01T00:00:00Z

A Fall From Grace? “Beef-gate” and the Case of Indonesia’s Prosperous Justice Party Kramer, Elisabeth This article explores the impact of a widely publicized corruption scandal upon Indonesia’s most prominent Islamic Party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in 2013, involving the exchange of money in return for beef-import licenses (“Beef-gate”). In the 2004 and 2009 elections PKS ran a populist campaign, drawing heavily upon anti-corruption rather than Islamic issues, and became renowned for its hard-line stance against graft. However, while PKS’s reputation certainly deteriorated due to Beef-gate, it still performed better than anticipated in the nation’s legislative election held in April 2014. This article proposes two possible reasons for this: the party’s grassroots membership structure provided a solid basis from which to rebuild, and the senior leadership adeptly managed its image while the scandal was in the public eye. With this effective image management, the party was able to retain the support of many of its voters, while minimizing damage to its image more broadly. Makalah ini membahas dari satu kasus yang hangat diberitakan tahun 2013 yaitu skandal korupsi yang dihadapi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) mengenai lisensi impor daging sapi (dikenal sebagai “Beef-gate”). Pada pemilihan umum tahun 2004 dan 2009, PKS mengambil langkah kampanye populis, dengan mengedepankan isu-isu anti-korupsi daripada isu-isu Islami lainnya, dan dikenal mempunyai sikap yang sangat keras menolak korupsi. Meski reputasi PKS menurun akibat skandal impor daging sapi ini, dalam pemilihan umum bulan April 2014 PKS masih mampu meraih lebih banyak suara daripada yang diperkirakan. Makalah ini mengajukan dua alasan atas hal tersebut: struktur keanggotaan di akar rumput menyediakan dasar yang cukup kuat untuk bangkit kembali, dan pimpinan senior partai mahir menjalin citra partai di saat skandal tersebut menjadi sorotan publik. Dengan kemahiran menjalin citra partai secara efektif ini, PKS tetap mampu menahan suara dan pada saat yang sama, secara umum memperkecil dampak dari citra yang rusak itu.

2014-01-01T00:00:00Z Kramer, Elisabeth Stoicescu, Claudia https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29280 2022-07-21T03:16:07Z 2021-01-01T00:00:00Z

An uphill battle: A case example of government policy and activist dissent on the death penalty for drug-related offences in Indonesia Kramer, Elisabeth; Stoicescu, Claudia In 2014, newly-elected President Joko Widodo announced that Indonesia was facing a national ‘emergency’ due to high levels of drug use that necessitated harsh criminal justice responses, including the ultimate punishment of death. On April 29, 2015 Indonesia executed eight prisoners condemned to death for drug-related offences, including seven foreigners, eliciting widespread international criticism. This commentary explores the strate- gies employed and obstacles faced by national anti-death penalty advocates that opposed the 2015 executions, primarily focusing on their efforts between 2015 and 2017. We begin by highlighting existing political narra- tives that make the death penalty an attractive option for the Indonesian government, before discussing key approaches employed as part of anti-death penalty efforts. It is hoped that a better understanding of existing ef- forts to promote abolition and the challenges associated with these approaches will help inform a more systematic and evidence-based approach to policy, practice, and discourse on the death penalty for drug-related offences in Indonesia.

2021-01-01T00:00:00Z Caraway, Teri Ford, Michele https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28662 2022-05-26T23:53:31Z 2019-01-01T00:00:00Z

Indonesia’s Labor Movement and Democratization Caraway, Teri; Ford, Michele This chapter demonstrates how the actions of the labor rights movement made a decisive contribution to the delegitimization of the regime. Struggling to regain a foothold after the decimation of independent labor unions in the massacres of 1965 and repression in the decades that followed, worker activists and their middle-class allies nevertheless clawed their way back, raising awareness at home and abroad of the Indonesian government's unrelenting subjugation of labor rights in its search for economic growth and political stability. Having been forced to accommodate some of the labor movement's demands in the early 1990s, the government struck back, all but destroying the alternative labor unions that had emerged in the intervening years. As a consequence, there was little evidence of worker mobilization in the immediate lead-up to the fall of Suharto. While continuing to grapple with the ongoing obstacles of low density of unionization among workers, organizational fragmentation, and political isolation, the labor movement has since asserted itself economically and politically.

2019-01-01T00:00:00Z Dibley, Thushara Ford, Michele https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28632 2022-05-26T06:01:18Z 2019-01-01T00:00:00Z

Introduction: Social Movements and Democratization in Indonesia Dibley, Thushara; Ford, Michele This introductory chapter focuses on the collective contribution of progressive social movements to Indonesia's transition to democracy and their collective fate in the decades since. This sets the scene for the case studies to follow. It also explains how the relationship between social movements and democratization is understood in this context. Social movements consist of networks involving a diverse range of actors, including individuals, groups, or organizations that may be loosely connected or tightly clustered. Democratization, meanwhile, is a process through which a polity moves toward “a system of governance in which rulers are held accountable for their actions in the public realm by citizens, acting indirectly through the competition and cooperation of their elected representatives.”

2019-01-01T00:00:00Z Rutland, Suzanne D. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26531 2026-04-22T04:53:11Z 2021-01-01T00:00:00Z

The Impact of COVID-19: A Comparative Study of the Melbourne and Sydney Jewish Communities Rutland, Suzanne D. Compared to other parts of the Jewish world, Australia has handled the COVID-19 situation well, going into full lockdown early, with fewer deaths on a population basis. At the same time, there were significant differences in terms of the impact of the second wave of the pandemic in Melbourne and Sydney. This qualitative study examines how these two major Jewish centers, where 84% of the Jews in Australia reside, responded to the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. It will discuss the policies that were put in place to assist those in need, with a range of different activities, including Jewish schools, going on-line, leading to many more opportunities to access news and participate in learning sessions. This study will highlight the similarities and differences between the two centers in terms of their organizational structures, which developed out of different historical migration patterns, and how these impacted on the current responses to the pandemic. The Sydney Jewish community has a centralized system of fundraising, planning and management in contrast to Melbourne, where the challenging situation created the need for better coordination. This was spearheaded by Jewish Care Victoria, which subsequently argued for a more permanent system of coordinated fundraising, planning and management for Melbourne Jewry. This article, which examines these developments, is based on oral interviews, written communications, community and media commentary, as well as historical material. As the Melbourne-based editor of The Australian Jewish News, Zeddy Lawrence, commented, "the community did not decline but thrived," indicating its "resourcefulness," but it remains to be seen if this has any long-term impact on the community structure of Melbourne Jewry.

2021-01-01T00:00:00Z Kramer, Elisabeth https://hdl.handle.net/2123/9550 2026-04-22T04:53:11Z 2013-01-01T00:00:00Z

When news becomes entertainment: Representations of corruption in Indonesia’s media and the implication of scandal Kramer, Elisabeth In the current political climate, the Indonesian media is able to report openly on a range of previously taboo political issues (Sen & Hill, 2000; Kakiailatu, 2007; Tapsell, 2010). One issue that garners substantial attention is that of corruption. In stark contrast to the limited media reporting on corruption prior to 1998, it has been a stalwart issue for the press since the Reformation era (1998–), dominating both print and television media. This paper explores how corruption has been portrayed in the media, concluding that there is a clear tendency towards a ‘politics-as-entertainment’ depiction of corruption cases, as evidenced by the inclination towards ‘scandalising’ the issue. This paper argues that this format of reporting has broad implications for the anti-corruption movement in Indonesia because it trivialises a key political issue and can ultimately discourage meaningful public debate and engagement with the anti-corruption movement.

2013-01-01T00:00:00Z Martens, Robert https://hdl.handle.net/2123/8145 2026-04-22T04:53:11Z 2012-02-24T00:00:00Z

The Indonesian Turning Point 1965-66 Martens, Robert Unpublished manuscript.

2012-02-24T00:00:00Z